Anthony Amatt's Notebooks
The notebooks were donated to Bristol Central Library, by Mr Septimus Powell, on 17th February 1915. I assume that this is the same S Powell, the son of the potter William Powell, who provided information to W J Pountney. They are available in the reading room, provided prior notice is given for access (quote reference number 21056). They consist of one main notebook, some separate sheets, part of a second notebook (just a few loose pages), and a small third notebook. All are in a very fragile state and must be handled with great care.
The main notebook can be read from either end. Starting from the end, which I think is the older, are some accounts. They are probably domestic, and are dated with the month and day, but no year is indicated. The accounts are in a different hand to that of Amatt's, and may indicate that the notebook was second hand. At least one page is missing, from this part, and one page states "James Harris Esqr/Peters Court/London". Is this the original owner of the book, or does it point to a London connection for Amatt? This is followed by inscriptions from gravestones (in pencil). These were probably recorded at the time of the death of Amatt's first wife, so that a suitable inscription could be prepared for her gravestone.
Reading from the other end are formulae for pottery bodies, glazes and pigments. Each of these are separately numbered. Some of these refer to pearl ashes (potassium carbonate), Clifton clay (presumably local clay), soaprock and bone ash. Clifton clay may indicate that the formula was used by the Temple Back pottery, which has no known connection to Amatt. From the way the formulae are laid out, several to a page, it would seem that Amatt was simply recording information from others. There is also a unnumbered formula, which is as follows:
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To make a Delft Glaze take 50 pounds of white sand |
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50 of white lead |
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30 tin ashes |
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10 of common salt |
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12 pot ashes |
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calcined together |
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It is unlikely that delftware was made in Bristol at the time the note was made. Amatt must have got the information from a potter who had made delftware. This formula is quite different to the one recorded by a Swedish visitor to a Bristol delft factory, presumably Redcliff Backs, in 1767. |
After number 849 their are a few formulae referred as "at Stoak" (Stoke in Staffordshire?), then the numbers of bodies start at 1 again, but the glazes keep their sequence. Pigments are numbered to 49, then the numbers become haphazard. From now on their are comments against many of the formulae. This would indicate that Amatt had some knowledge of these, but merely obtained the earlier ones from others. Number 37 was "Burnt in the stone kiln, would be better without the flint as it gives a yellow transperance". Number 45 - "Pretty good". Number 49 included bone, s rock (soaprock?) and feldspar was "a good color, but not very transparent". This was some kind of porcelain, as were numbers 52 and 53, which did not fire well in a stoneware kiln. Glaze number 147 was "V. bad" and number 148 was "Not used at all". After these are some unnumbered formulae, e.g., "To make hard stoneware / Take 100 pounds Cornish stone / 50 of Cornish clay / 25 of blue ball clay / 10 of flint glass" and "Common creamware body / 35 parts of ball clay / 6 and a half parts of flint". Whether Amatt had direct knowledge of the formulae, or not, it shows the experimentation that early 19th century potters were prepared to do. It is possible he copied the formulae from an experienced potter that he employed at Crews Hole (1812-19), or someone he knew at the Bristol pottery (in the early 1830s he was in partnership with Edwin Allies, who was also a partner at the Bristol pottery).
Following these there is a doubled sided page of general notes on the pottery business.
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To obtain flint stones treat to Thomas Starus? Esq Fareham Hants / Edward Norcott Captain of the sloop Maria which belongs to the above gentleman. |
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Captain Williams of the sloop Fidelity will be in, in a day or two, with 8 or 10 tons of flint stones. December 3 1812? |
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Anstice Horton & Rose / Coalport China Works. |
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Chirt Stone / Mr James Leadham of Bakewell or Mr Willm Johnson Longnor. |
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Bone pickers / Mrs Vaun Wade Street / Mrs Wall Latham of Ballpench Lane / Mrs Ellott New Street / Edward Palmer Wade Street. |
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More stone / Mrs Hamilton near Charles Town near St Austell Cornwell. |
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Captain Grenfell of the vessel Daporth this captain brings (indistinct word) stone & clay. |
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More stone & C. clay / freight to Bristol 12 (shillings?) per ton. |
Three pages further on the date 4th February 1813 appears against a formula for saggar clay (presumably used at the Crews Hole pottery). It should be noted that John Rose operated the main works at Coalport. Robert Anstice, William Horton and Thomas Rose operated a rival firm, on the opposite bank of the canal, from about 1810. It closed in 1813 and was taken over by John Rose in 1814. Was Amatt acting as an agent for Coalport, or were the materials for use at the Crews Hole pottery? Some of the formuale for pigments mention manganese and one has both manganese and iron. Could this refer to the coloring of Mocha ware made at Crews Hole? Unless more information is discovered we shall never know if Amatt was at the Crews Hole pottery. None of the bone pickers are specifically mentioned in Matthews' trade directories for 1810-13. An Edward Palmer was landlord of the Chequers, Redcliff Back, in 1810-12 (publicans often had dual trades). A Mrs Hannah Vaughan is listed in Dove Street for 1810-11 and a Mrs Vaughan is in 6 Pritchard Street, St. Paul's, during 1813. New Street and Wade Street are both in St Jude's parish, then a very poor area of Bristol. Ballpench (or Bullpench) Lane was nearby. Dove Street and Pritchard Street were both in prosperous areas at the time, unlikely homes for bone pickers.
Amongst the loose sheets is a hand-drawn invoice. It is headed "Anthony Amatt / Ironstone Manufacturer / Wholesale & for Exportation / Crews Hole Bristol" . Further down it has details of discounts available. Amatt operated the pottery from 1812-19. Another loose sheet is a formula for "large ware" and is dated 25th June 1842.
The second notebook starts with a page dated 1841, and on the other side are household accounts for 1841 (rent 3 pounds per quarter). An entry for 15th March 1830 is an account for processing (washing is mentioned) wool. This would indicate that Amatt was still involved with textiles at that time. Then follow various numbered formulae. Number 14 is dated 10th March 1835. Number 15 was "very bright, fine and good, not at all inclined to blister". Number 50 is dated 20th May 1837. At the end of the book is a rough drawing of machinery, which may be for textile spinning.
The third notebook starts with a page about a trip to Leeds. The rest of the book consists of more formulae for pottery, some of which are in a very shaky hand. The account of the Leeds trip is as follows:
"Leeds May 13 1829 the (indistinct word) arrived hear at 8 o'clock in the evening I saw Mr Whitehead one of the partners in Tailor Wansworth (not Wandsworth, but possibly not Wansworth either) & Co machine makers. Mr Whitehead is about 26 years is very clever has most excellent workshops. I saw a mill at work where they was spinning N94 hanks (two indistinct words) very good and very even. The Roving Bobins is about 18 inches long. Will hold from 12 to 14lb Roving these Roving are put up 5 to a spindle to the next head after which they put 4 ends to the next head this last Roving they put 3 ends and Roved fit for the spinning which is very even and makes excellent worsted. The wool is combed twice (indistinct word) 2/4 per lb."
I do not think that this note proved that Amatt visited Leeds, as Owen says, unless if was a draft of a letter that Amatt planned to write. Much more likely he simply copied some other person's letter. A journey from Bristol to Leeds would have been very costly in 1829. Since Amatt had entered into a partnership with Thomas Goldney in April 1829, then perhaps Goldney had made the trip to Leeds.